IC-NRLF 


H    F 

1755 

E8 

1894 

MAIN 


33D 


£79 


A  Protective  Tariff  imposed  on  imported 
articles  uuhich  can  be  produced  in  the 
United  States,  secures  more  uuork  and 
better  tuages  to  American  labor. 


Address    delivered   by    MORRIS    M.    ESTEE,    on 

March  jist,  1894,  before  the  Midwinter  Fair 

Congress  of  Economics  and  Politics. 


The  Hid  winter  Fair  Congresses 

UNDER    THE    AUSPICES    OF    THE  L|    jH    |    /  JC? 

California  Midwinter  International  Exposition, 


. 

Executive  Committee:'  *.   /\^~~  •   I 


JAMES  D.   PHELAN,  President. 

L.  R.  ELLERT,  -         ist  Vice-  President. 

JOHN  H.  BOALT,  -     2d  Vice-  President. 

SHELDON  G.  KELLOGG,  Treasurer. 

T.  C.  JUDKINS,     -  -          Secretary. 

WM.  GREEK  HARRISON,  PROF.  BERNARD  MOSES, 

DR.  W.  F.  McNuTT,  CHAS.  A.  MURDOCK, 

W.  B.  HARRINGTON,  GEO.  T.  GADEN, 
DAVID  STARR  JORDAN. 


Congress  of  Economics  and  Politics. 

The  first  session  of  the  Congress  of  Economics  and  Politics  will  be  the 
occasion  of  the  formal  opening  of  the  general  series  of  Congresses.  The  exer- 
cises will  begin  at  8  P.  M.  of  Thursday,  March  29,  with  an  address  of  wel- 
come by  James  D.  Phelan,  President  of  the  Executive  Committee,  followed 
by  an  opening  address  by  Prof.  Bernard  Moses  of  the  University  of  Cali- 
fornia. President  E.  Benj.  Andrews  of  Brown  University,  Rhode  Island, 
will  then  speak  on  "  The  Monetary  affairs  of  the  United  States,"  which  will 
be  followed  by  general  discussion.  On  the  evening  of  March  30th,  President 
Andrews  will  speak  on  "England's  Relation  to  the  Monetary  affairs  of  India." 
General  discussion  by  local  speakers  will  follow.  On  Saturday  evening, 
March  31st,  Prof.  C.  C.  Plehn  of  the  University  of  California  will  read  a 
paper  011  "The  Organization  of  Labor  in  California,"  and  Hon.  M.  M.  Estee 
will  speak  on  the  question  of  ll  A  Protective  Tariff  Imposed  on  Imported  Ar- 
ticles which  can  be  Produced  in  the  United  States,  Secures  More  Work  and  Bet- 
ter Wages  to  American  Labor."  Other  speakers  will  take  part  in  the  general 
discussion  that  will  follow.  The  second  series  of  meetings  of  this  Congress 
will  be  held  on  the  26th,  27th  and  28th  of  April.  Details  for  this  session  have 
not  been  completed,  but  among  subjects  that  will  receive  consideration  are: 
"  Economic  Changes  Due  to  Improved  Facilities  of  Transportation,"  "Money 
and  Banking,"  "Questions  Relating  to  the  Economic  Development  of  Cali- 
fornia," "History  of  the  Controversies  on  the  Questions  Now  at  Issue  be- 
tween Leading  Political  Parties,"  "Charities  and  Corrections,"  "Industrial 
Statistics."  The  committee  in  charge  of  this  Congress  consists  of  Prof. 
Bernard  Moses  (Chairman),  Prof.  C.  C.  Plehn,  Prof.  E.  H.  Ross,  \Vm.  H. 
Mills,  Horace  Davis,  Arthur  Rodgers,  John  P.  Irish  and  Prof.  A.  G.  Warner. 


ADDRESS. 

A  Protective  Tariff  imposed  an  Imparted 
Articles  which  can  be  produced  in  the 
United  States,  secures  more  work  and 
better  wages  ta  American  Labor. 

Labor  creates  all  that  civilized  man  most  needs,  and  the 
value  of  the  products  of  labor  is  largely  controlled  by  the 
value  of  the  labor  that  produces  them.  Supply  and  demand, 
the  customs  of  the  country  in  which  the  workers  live,  the 
necessities  of  those  who  work,  the  markets  for  and  value  of 
the  products  of  labor,  all  contribute  to  fix  the  value  of  labor 
itself.  This  being  so,  the  point  is,  can  we  maintain  the 
present  price  of  labor  in  the  United  States  without  enlarg- 
ing the  number  and  variety  of  our  industries,  and  thus  in- 
crease the  opportunities  for  work  ?  Our  country  is  becom- 
ing older,  our  population  is  increasing,  and  our  territory  is 
not  being  extended.  These  facts  must  soon  be  considered 
by  the  American  people.  It  is  undoubtedly  true  there 
are  fewer  pursuits  to  follow  in  old  and  populous  countries 
than  in  new  and  more  progressive  countries.  This  is  so, 
because  in  new  countries  there  are  fewer  people  to  the  same 
extent  of  territory,  more  undeveloped  resources,  and  there- 
fore more  for  man  to  do.  * 

In  the  populous  countries  of  the  old  world,  the  laborer 
works  only  for  an  existence,  while  here  he  works  for  and  ex- 
pects to  earn  a  competence,  become  independent  and  cease 
to  be  a  worker  for  others.  There,  he  has  no  hope  of  a 
change  for  the  better  or  for  increased  opportunities  to  im- 
prove his  condition.  Here  he  is  ambitious,  because  he 
knows  if  he  labors  faithfully  he  is  certain  of  success. 

£52692 


From  Bib\i4?aL  ^ime^(  Until  now,  the  laborer  has  been 
"  worthy  oiMs-hir^ey'  aiid  all  people  agree  that  labor  is  hon- 
orable and  necessary  to  man's  existence;  yet  in  the  older  civil- 
izations, and  especially  in  the  rich  and  populous  centers  of 
Europe,  the  workers  are  a  separate  and  distinct  class.  Soci- 
ally, the  most  worthless  soldier  outranks  the  best  worker.  No 
man,  whether  he  be  a  common  toiler,  a  skilled  mechanic,  or  a 
manufacturer  (however  honorable,  wealthy  or  intelligent  he 
is)  can  hope  in  those  countries  to  receive  social  recognition 
by  the  so-called  ruling  classes,  while  in  America  the  workers 
as  a  political  force  are  the  ruling  classes.  In  those  old 
monarchial  countries  there  is  a  wall  built  up  between  the  la- 
boring and  all  other  classes  of  society,  which,  strangely 
enough,  prevents  the  producers  of  the  world's  wealth  from 
ever  meeting  as  equals  the  men  who  produce  nothing.  Thus, 
in  European  countries,  the  social  standing  of  the  man  who 
creates  the  most  is  lower  than  the  social  standing  of  the 
man  who  exists  upon  what  other  people  create,  and  who  is 
a  mere  drone  in  the  hive. 

The  peculiar  advantages  to  the  workers  and  producers  of 
our  country  which  our  natural  resources  and  our  form  of  gov- 
ernment secure  to  the  masses  of  the  American  people,  give 
to  Americans  a  manliness  and  an  independence  which  no 
other  people  possess.  Here,  intelligence  and  character  have 
a  financial,  social  and  political  value.  And  this  is  so  be- 
cause here  the  humblest  man  who  walks  has  a  voice  in  gov- 
ernmental affairs.  He  is  one  of  the  units  of  the  body  poli- 
tic, and  a  part  of  the  government  itself.  Lower  the  stand- 
ard of  that  unit  and  you  lower  the  standard  of  the  govern- 
ment. He  is  one  of  the  people,  and  as  our  government  is  a 
government  of  the  people,  when  you  injure  or  debase  the 
people,  ttie  government  falls.  And  so  if  we  want  good  gov- 
ernment we  must  have  independent  manhood. 

The  vastness  of  our  country,  its  undeveloped  resources, 
the  broad  field  open  to  aspiring  and  ambitious  youth,  and 
the  large  variety  of  pursuits  to  follow  (with  the  possibility 
of  political  preferment  always  in  view),  make  every  Ameri- 
can, whatever  his  calling,  ambitious,  proud  and  independent. 


Add  to  this  the  fact  that  our  free  school  system  has  brought 
enlightment  within  the  reach  of  all  the  people,  and  we  can 
then  understand  why  American  laborers  will  not  patiently 
accept,  as  do  the  laborers  of  foreign  nations,  starvation 
prices  as  a  reward  for  their  toil.  Our  people  are  a  part  of 
the  government.  They  know  it,  and  they  demand  some  of 
the  rewards  of  the  government,  namely,  governmental  pro- 
tection of  what  rightfully  belongs  to  the  American  people. 
For  these  reasons,  among  others :  there  is  not  now,  nor  will 
there  ever  be,  an  American  peasantry ;  nor  will  class  distinc- 
tions exist  in  the  United  States  while  the  people  remain 
free.  It  is  therefore  argued  that  all  national  legislation  fix- 
ing protective  duties  on  articles  made  in  foreign  countries, 
and  brought  here  for  sale,  must  have  in  view  the  interests 
of  American  labor.  It  should  be  remembered  that  under 
present  conditions,  the  wageworker  of  to-day  may  to-morrow 
be  a  capitalist,  or  manufacturer,  a  social  or  political  leader. 
And  this  incentive  to  advancement  is,  in  a  free  country, 
wise  and  necessary,  so  that  every  man  who  works  may  be 
ambitious.  At  least  he  should  be  made  secure  in  the  best 
possible  rewards  for  his  labor.  If  this  is  done,  each  citi- 
zen is  given,  not  only  the  power  to  help  himself,  but  the  op- 
portunity to  create  a  better  fortune  than  he  has  ever  before 
possessed;  because,  in  a  free  country,  business  prosperity 
among  the  people  means  the  governmental  prosperity  of  all 
the  people.  We  hear  much  about  paternal  governments, 
and  that  the  goverment  is  not  intended  to  help  the  people 
get  on  in  the  world.  In  the  sense  that  the  government  can- 
not directly  feed  and  clothe  the  people,  this  is  true.  But  in 
the  broader  and  higher  sense — that  the  government  is  of  the 
people,  and  for  the  people  and  is  created  and  maintained 
for  the  benefit  of  our  people  only,  it  is  and  should  be  pater- 
nal. Those  who  most  strongly  inveigh  against  paternal  gov- 
ernments are  usually  men  who  do  not  themselves  work,  and 
who  thus  live  off  of  other  people's  earnings. 

The  situation  of  the  ivorkers  of  America  differs  so  widely 
from  that  of  any  other  country,  that  it  becomes  necessary  for 
the  creators  of  the  wealth  of  the  nation  to  have  a  fair  share 


of  the  products  of  their  creation.  And  this  becomes  clear 
to  the  thoughtful  mind  when  it  is  remembered  we  have  a 
different  home  life  from  that  of  any  other  people.  Ameri- 
cans have  more  luxuries,  more  comforts,  and  infinitely  more 
and  greater  necessities,  than  any  other  people  in  the  world. 
Having  these,  they  must  earn  more  money  to  meet  the  de- 
mand which  this  mode  of  life  imposes  upon  them,  and  this 
mode  of  life  is  as  necessary  to  the  American  people  as  is 
the  air  they  breathe.  Without  it,  they  could  not  be  either 
free  or  independent. 

There  was  never  a  truer  statement  than  that  made  in 
Congress,  by  Mr.  .Reed  of  Maine,  when  he  said  the  differ- 
ence in  wages  in  the  United  States  over  other  countries 
meant  difference  in  living.  We  repeat,  no  other  people  live 
so. well,  as  do  the  Americans,  and  you  cannot  change  their 
mode  of  living  without  revolution.  You  cannot  put  a  free, 
well-to-do  and  intelligent  people  into  the  gutter,  unfed  and 
unclothed,  without  revolution.  You  cannot  give  to  foreign 
peoples  the  labor  which  rightfully  belongs  to  Americans 
without  imperiling  the  peace  of  society  and  the  safety  of 
the  State.  Nor  can  you  reason  with  men  as  to  their  duty  to 
law,  to  good  order  and  to  the  rights  of  others,  when  their 
rights  are  imperiled;  for  it  is  every  man's  right  to  honestly 
earn  his  bread  by  his  toil,  and  he  must  have  labor  if  he 
earns  his  bread. 

Americans  are  free  because  they  are  able  to  take  care  of  them- 
selves financially  as  well  as  politically.  They  are  capable  of 
self-support  and  they  are  therefore  capable  of  self-govern- 
ment. Once  take  from  the  American  laborer  the  oppor- 
tunity for  regular  employment  and  good  wages,  and  he  will 
become  dependent  financially,  and  be  a  machine  politically. 
And  thus  it  is  all  important  that  the  prosperity  of  the  in- 
dustrial classes  shall  be  permanent  and  secure.  To  make  it 
so  we  must  protect  American  markets,  American  products 
and  American  labor  against  unfair  foreign  competition. 

The  temptation  to  foreign  producers  to  reach  for  and  con- 
trol the  American  markets,  and  for  foreign  cheap  labor  to 
supplant  American  dear  labor,  is  great,  and  it  is  most  difli- 


cult  to  overcome.  And  this  is  so  because  the  resources  of 
the  United  States  are  peculiar,  varied  and  illimitable.  We 
are  every  day  developing  them,  and  other  and  foreign  peo- 
ples are  endeavoring  to  drive  out  our  own  labor  in  making 
these  developments,  and  thus  the  whole  world  is  contesting 
for  the  labor  prizes  of  America.  Shall  we  surrender  these 
prizes  to  them,  or  retain  them  for  ourselves  and  for  our  chil- 
dren ?  This  is  the  problem  of  the  hour.  True,  the  wonder- 
ful resources  of  our  country  were  here  before  civilized  man 
was  here,  and  are  now  being  developed  only  by  the  might 
of  our  civilization,  and  the  sleepless  industry  of  our  people. 
The  question  then  is,  shall  we  put  a  brake  on  the  wheels  of 
American  progress  by  adding  to  it  a  foreign  load  that  we  can- 
not carry,  or  shall  we  move  on  in  the  lines  of  American  civil- 
ization by  sustaining  American  labor  and  promoting  Ameri- 
can enterprise  ? 

The  prosperity  of  America  was  never  more  conspicu- 
ously noted  than  in  the  "Fortnightly  Review,"  an  English 
journal,  of  December,  1893,  where  it  was  said: 

"America  has  for  many  years  enjoyed  an  amazing  de- 
gree of  prosperity.  So  much  so,  that  to  use  the  words  of 
Edmond  Burke,  4  generalities  which  in  all  other  cases  are 
apt  to  heighten  and  raise  a  subject,  have  here  the  tendency 
to  sink  it.  Fiction  lags  after  truth;  invention  is  unfruitful, 
and  imagination  cold  and  barren.'  ' 

It  is  a  fair  inquiry  to  ask  what  has  caused  all  tins  prosper- 
ity ?  The  answer  is  labor,  continuous  and  well  rewarded  labor. 
For  the  past  thirty  years  we  have  maintained  a  protective 
policy.  That  is,  we  have  legislated  in  favor  of  the  worker. 
The  value  of  labor  under  that  policy  has  largely  enhanced. 
The  undeniable  result  has  been  that  wealth  never  accumu- 
lated so  fast,  our  population  never  increased  so  rapidly,  and 
during  the  same  time  we  have  paid  more  of  our  debts  (pub- 
lic and  private)  than  have  any  other  three  nations  of  the 
civilized  world.  Look  at  the  map  of  the  Republic  and  note 
the  change.  The  great  west  has  been  settled,  new  states  have 
been  admitted  into  the  Union,  four  continental  railroads,  at 
a  cost  of  more  than  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  have 
been  constructed,  our  educational  opportunities  have  been 


multiplied,  most  of  our  cities  have  trebled  their  population, 
our  commerce  with  foreign  nations  has  more  than  quad- 
rupled, and  our  position  among  the  other  great  powers  of 
the  world  has  advanced  from  the  second  or  third  class  to  the 
first.  A 

It  is  claimed  that  much  of  this  great  prosperity  is  attribut- 
able to  the  variety,  abundance  and  cheapness  of  our  raw  ma- 
terials. How  can  this  be  so  ?  Our  raw  material  has  always 
been  here.  It  is  the  conditions  which  recently  surround  us 
which  have  made  us  rich.  Continue  those  conditions  and 
our  people  will  continue  to  prosper.  There  is  no  raw  ma- 
terial which  does  not  require  labor  to  prepare  it  for  man's 
use.  Labor  produces  and  fashions  all  materials,  raw  or 
manufactured;  and  in  the  fullest  sense,  labor  alone  creates. 
Kaw  and  unfashioned  material  is  but  a  small  part  of  the 
value  of  products.  In  fact,  if  we  go  through  the  whole 
field  of  production,  if  we  take  every  known  manufactured 
article  and  combine  them  together,  we  find  that  fully  85  per 
cent,  of  their  cost  is  in  the  labor  bestowed  upon  their  manu- 
facture, or  production,  and  with  most  articles  in  common 
use,  at  least  90  per  cent,  is  in  labor  and  not  more  than  10 
per  cent,  of  the  value  in  raw  material. 

No  one  can  fail  to  note  the  effect  on  the  prosperity  of  a 
country  where  all  the  people  are  employed  at  good  wages. 
If  this  be  true,  and  it  is  open  to  demonstration,  then  the 
whole  scheme  of  protection  to  American  products  is  one  of 
work  and  wages  for  American  labor.  The  whole  question  of 
good  or  bad  times  depends  on  work  and  wages.  Money  is 
always  organized  and  can  take  care  of  itself,  because  it  can 
hide  from  impending  disaster.  Labor,  though  often  organ- 
ized, cannot  hide.  It  is  a  fact  that  the  making  of  money 
and  its  wise  and  successful  use  in  business  affairs  depends 
on  how  successfully  labor  can  be  employed  by  the  use  of 
money;  and  this  is  true  because  it  is  the  vast  number  of  small 
incomes,  and  not  the  few  large  incomes,  that  make  a  nation  rich 
and  powerful. 

Steady  and  remunerative  employment  secures  peace  and  good 
order  to  society,  and  property  is  thus  made  safe.  No  free 
people  will  long  be  peaceful  where  the  masses  of  the  people 


9 

are  dissatisfied  with  their  lot.  It  is  true  some  people  are 
always  in  a  state  of  discontent,  but  the  masses  are  satisfied 
when  they  are  employed  at  fair  wages.  The  home  life  of  the 
people  is  thus  made  happier;  there  are  fewer  criminals  and 
less  crime;  there  are  fewer  beggars,  and  less  penury  and 
want.  It  should,  therefore,  be  the  settled  policy  of  the  na- 
tion, so  far  as  protective  laws  can  accomplish  that  purpose, 
to  secure  to  the  American  people  steady  work  and  good 
wages. 

The  prosperity  of  our  people  under  the  protective  policy 
of  our  country  is  apparent,  when  it  is  observed  that  the 
number  of  persons  employed  in  the  manufacturing  industries 
of  the  United  States  increased  from  2,732,595  in  1880  to 
4,711,832  in  1890,  and  the  amount  of  wages  paid  increased 
from  $1,334,869,470  in  1880  to  $2,282,823,265  in  1890. 
These  statistics  tell  their  own  story. 

In  an  article  from  Mr.  Cramp,  published  in  the  April 
number  of  the  North  American  Review,  it  is  stated  that 
ninety-five  per  cent,  of  the  total  cost  of  a  ship  is  in  labor. 
That  England  is  the  greatest  ship  building  country  in  the 
world,  that  she  is  jealous  of  America's  push  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  that  she  is  now  making  great  efforts  before  the 
present  Congress  to  have  ships  put  upon  the  free  list,  so 
that  she  can  build  our  ships  for  us.  It  will  be  noted  also 
that  from  1792  until  now  foreign  built  vessels  have  not  been 
allowed  American  register.  That  this  step  on  the  part  of 
our  national  legislators,  if  taken,  will  be  of  great  injury  to 
the  laboring  people  of  our  country;  will  deprive  us  of  one 
of  the  most  splendid  industries  of  the  time;  will  be  unpatri- 
otic and  un-American.  In  a  word,  it  would  take  from  our 
people  just  so  much  work  and  give  that  work  to  English 
laborers. 

The  following  statistical  statement,  presented  in  that 
article  and  taken  from  the  leading  ship  building  yards  of 
England  and  America,  shows  the  present  price  of  labor  in 
the  ship  building  trades  of  both  countries : 


10 

TRADE.  BRITISH.  AMERICAN. 

Rate  of  weekly  wages.    Rate  of  weekly  wages. 

Patternmakers $9  00 $18  00 

Machinists 8  50 15  00 

Eiveters 7  50 12  00 

Calkers  and  drippers 7  80 15  00 

Beam  and  angle-smiths  ....   8  40 15  00 

Holders-on 4  20 9  00 

Fitters-up 7  80 15  00 

Ship  carpenters 9  60 18  00 

Joiners 9  00 16  50 

Painters 9  60 18  00 

Ship  shed  machine  men. ...   7  20 15  00 

Furnace  men 6  00 10  80 

Eiggers 7  20 11  00 

Plumbers 9  60 19  50 

Drillers 6  40 11  00 

Sheetiron  workers 8  50 15  00 

Coppersmiths 8  60 18  00 

Holders,  iron .    9  00 14  50 

Holders,  brass 9  00 15  00 

Laborers 4  20 8  00  to  $9. 

Says  the  author  : 

"The  comparison  tells  its  own  story.  Brushing  aside 
sophistry  and  cant,  we  have  in  front  of  us  a  plain  proposi- 
tion, the  logic  of  which  no  man  can  evade." 

We  submit  it  is  not  all  a  sentiment  that  ships  which 
carry  the  American  flag  should  be  built  by  American  labor. 
Primarily  they  may  cost  more  when  built  in  America  and  by 
American  labor,  but  in  the  end  they  will  cost  less,  because 
if  we  build  our  own  ships  in  time  of  peace,  we  will  be  inde- 
pendent of  foreign  powers  in  time  of  war.  And  again,  we 
will  furnish  our  own  people  with  labor,  utilize  our  own  ma- 
terial, encourage  our  own  enterprises,  dignify  labor  and  ex- 
alt patriotism,  and  above  all,  we  will  keep  abreast  of  the 
best  inventive  thought  of  our  time;  we  will  know  how  to  do 
well  what  we  do;  and  we  will  make  the  best  ships  that  float, 
and  thus  maintain  the  honor  and  glory  of  our  country  on 
the  sea. 


11 


The  vice  of  the  position  taken  by  the  free  traders  of  our 
country  rests  largely  in  the  fact  that  they  endeavor  to  divide  the 
American  people  into  tivo  classes,  namely,  those  who  consume 
and  those  who  produce.  And  what  is  anomalous,  they  are 
more  anxious  to  care  for  the  consumer  who  does  not  work, 
than  for  the  consumer  who  does  work.  They  forget,  or 
seem  to  do  so,  that  all  worthy  citizens  are  both  consumers 
and  producers;  and  while  some  produce  one  thing  and  some 
another,  and  some  consume  one  thing  and  some  another, 
yet  all  are  consumers  and  nearly  all  are  producers.  And  it 
is  another  undeniable  fact  that  if  you  pay  a  man  well  for 
what  he  produces,  he  consumes  more  of  what  others  produce, 
and  the  people  generally  prosper. 

It  is  therefore  the  part  of  wise  statesmanship  to  see  to  it 
that  those  who  produce  the  most  of  the  wealth  of  the  coun- 
try should  be  sustained  by  the  laws  of  their  country.  This 
government  is  not  maintained  for  the  benefit  of  foreign 
peoples,  nor  do  foreign  peoples  contribute  to  our  national 
greatness;  nor  should  we  encourage  the  immigration  of  for- 
eign cheap  laborers,  because  they  supplant  our  own  people 
in  our  own  industrial  market;  nor  should  we  encourage  the 
importation  of  what  such  cheap  laborers  produce  at  their 
homes  in  foreign  countries,  when  such  productions  compete 
with  our  own.  This  is  an  American  government,  established 
by  and  maintained  for  Americans.  We  are  isolated  from 
the  rest  of  the  world,  and  we  are  therefore  largely  depend- 
ent on  ourselves.  It  behooves  us,  therefore,  to  secure  to 
the  workers  of  this  republic  regular  employment  and  good 
wages,  before  we  invite  others  to  take  their  place  or  reap 
their  rightful  rewards.  Remember  our  public  lands  are  well 
nigh  exhausted;  there  is  no  new  West  to  settle  up;  there  are 
no  distant  and  uncivilized  countries  for  Americans  to  migrate 
to.  We  have  reached  the  western  shore  of  the  continent. 
Beyond  is  the  sea.  New,  and  to  some  extent  alarming,  condi- 
tions confront  us.  The  restless  spirits  of  our  country  and 
the  more  restless  spirits  of  foreign  countries  now  among  us, 
must  soon  turn  back  on  their  track;  other  fields  for  labor 
must  be  open  to  them,  or  more  ample  opportunities  for  work 


12 

created  in  the  old  fields.  And  so  it  should  be  the  settled 
unchangeable  policy  of  this  nation  to  encourage  new  and 
sustain  old  American  enterprises,  and  because  the  more  nu- 
merous and  varied  our  industries  the  more  there  will  be  to 
do. 

Note  the  effect  of  regular  employment  upon  the  wealth 
of  the  nation.  Statistics  show  there  are  from  19,000,000  to 
20,000,000  of  laboring  people  in  tjiis  country,  men  and 
women;  that  each  worker  supports  two  people  besides  him- 
self, and  his  average  earnings  are  about  a  dollar  and  a  half 
a  day,  making  $28,500,000  a  day  if  all  are  at  work.  But  if 
only  three  fourths  are  working,  this  must  be  cut  down  one 
fourth,  or  say  $7,125,000  a  day.  Hard  times  are  then  in- 
evitable. Let  25  per  cent,  of  the  laboring  people  be  out  of 
employment,  or  (being  employed)  lower  their  wages  25  per 
cent,  and  it  makes  a  daily  difference  of  $7,125,000  or  $185,- 
250,000  a  month,  or  $2,230,125,000  a  year.  That  makes  just 
the  difference  between  hard  times  and  good  times.  Over  25 
per  cent,  of  the  American  people  are  now  out  of  remuner- 
ative employment.  Why  are  they  out  of  employment  ?  lar- 
iff  tinkering  and  the  threat  to  change  our  protective  laivs  lias 
done  much  of  this.  And  it  has  done  this,  because  it  has 
frightened  capital  from  investment,  curtailed  manufacturing 
by  shutting  down  our  mills,  and  thus  lowered  the  price  of 
labor  and  of  the  products  of  labor,  and  thereby  decreased 
the  amount  of  labor  performed  as  well  as  its  value.  Con- 
fidence is  thus  destroyed  because  prices  are  unsettled. 

But  some  say,  why  does  not  the  government  issue  more 
money — that  will  remedy  the  evil. 

The  making  of  more  money  by  the  government  will  not 
of  itself  remedy  these  conditions.  Money  when  issued  cau- 
not  be  given  away.  The  people  must  have  something  to  do 
that  they  may  earn  this  money.  And  again,  unless  the  gov- 
ernment issues  the  right  kind  of  money  and  uses  it  for  the 
right  purposes,  it  will  never  reach  the  people.  It  is  the 
free  circulation  of  money  honestly  earned  by  the  people, 
that  makes  them  prosperous,  whatever  the  kind  of  money. 
If  our  money  should  be  confined  to  gold  (which  poor 


13 

people  rarely  see  and  which  never  pays  for  a  loaf  of  bread 
or  a  laborer's  shirt),  then  we  would  have  dear  money  because 
we  would  have  less  money  and  scarce  money,  fewer  enter- 
prises would  be  established  and  a  less  demand  for  labor 
inevitable.  Then  the  man  who  owed  debts  previously  con- 
tracted would  be  compelled  to  pay  them  in  a  kind  of  money 
which  had  a  greater  purchasing  power  than  that  which  he 
borrowed.  It  would  result  in  fewer  investments,  less  work 
and  less  pay  for  work.  But  aside  from  that,  it  is  dishonest. 
Indeed,  the  man  who  buys  a  bushel  of  wheat  to  be  delivered 
six  months  thereafter  weighing  60  pounds,  and  at  the  end  of 
six  months  insists  upon  being  paid  in  a  bushel  of  wheat  weigh- 
ing 70  pounds,  is  no  worse  than  the  man  who  loans  money 
this  year  (when  gold  and  silver  are  money)  and  in  the  mean- 
time demonetizes  silver  (which  constitutes  one-third  of  our 
money),  thus  largely  increasing  the  purchasing  power  of  gold, 
and  then  demands  payment  in  gold  only. 

But  withal,  it  is  the  circulation  of  money  which  makes 
good  times,  and  money  will  not  circulate  when  there  is  a  want 
of  confidence  any  change  in  the  revenue  laws  of  our  country 
or  in  its  monetary  system  causes  a  want  of  confidence,  be- 
cause, as  stated,  values  are  affected  thereby.  At  this  time 
money  has  been  frightened  from  investment  by  the  oft-re- 
peated threats  of  a  change  in  both  our  monetary  and  in  our 
tariff  laws.  In  fact  our  government  has  recently  informed 
the  world  that  a  protective  tariff  was  a  fraud,  was  uncon- 
stitutional, and  should  not  be  maintained  in  America.  An 
election  was  had  and  the  American  people  sustained  that 
fallacious  and  destructive  doctrine.  The  whole  of  America 
knows  the  result.  No  new  industries  are  now  being  estab- 
lished; old  ones  are  either  shut  down  or  run  on  half  time; 
wages  are  lowered;  the  working  people  are  unemployed; 
and  hard  times  have  resulted.  We  had  good  times  under 
former  conditions.  We  have  bad  times  now.  Which  con- 
dition is  most  likely  to  be  right? 

All  true  lovers  of  our  country  must  believe  that,  in  view 
of  the  recent  industrial  depression,  the  protection  of  Amer- 
ican labor  should  be  a  national  rather  than  a  party  policy. 


u 

Then  the  success  or  the  defeat  of  a  party  would  not,  in  any 
great  degree,  affect  the  industrial  prosperity  of  our  country. 
It  is  true,  political  parties  are  agencies  for  good,  and  they 
exist  only  in  free  countries,  but  there  are  some  few  ques- 
tions, political  in  their  character,  of  such  paramount  import- 
ance, that  they  become  nationalized.  The  labor  question  is 
one  of  them.  The  internal  policy  of  our  country,  which  so 
largely  affects  our  industrial  success,  ought  to  be  freed  from 
the  frequent  changes  which  the  possible  changes  in  admin- 
istration might  inflict  upon  our  country. 

The  argument  that  only  a  part  of  the  laboring  people  are 
benefited  ~by  a  protective  tariff,  because  only  a  part  of  all  the 
laboring  men  of  our  country  work  in  protected  industrial 
lines,  is  DO  answer  to  our  contention.  Almost  all  competi- 
tive articles  of  American  production  have  been  more  or  less 
protected  in  the  past;  and  you  cannot  furnish  labor  to  a  part 
of  the  people,  who  otherwise  would  not  have  remunerative 
employment,  without  benefiting  all  of  them.  Take  a  com- 
munity where  there  is  one  successful  enterprise,  and  the 
whole  community  will  be  benefited.  If  a  few  men  earn  good 
wages,  the  infection  reaches  every  wage-worker,  and  pros- 
perity prevails.  Nor  can  you  find  an  instance  where  the 
most  of  the  people  make  more  money  than  they  expend,  but 
what  the  whole  community  is  benefited.  Trouble  comes 
when  a  large  majority  of  the  people  earn  less  than  they 
require  for  their  daily  needs. 

It  is  axiomatic  that  a  part  of  the  money  paid  to  one's 
neighbor  for  what  he  produces,  and  which  you  must  buy, 
comes  back  to  you  ;  but  that  money  paid  to  foreign  produ- 
cers goes  out  of  the  country  and  never  returns.  It  is  equally 
axiomatic  that  people  cannot  consume  what  is  produced  by 
others,  unless  they  are  able  to  pay  for  it.  And  they  cannot 
pay  for  it  unless  their  labor  is  also  rewarded :  That  is,  they 
must  find  a  market  for  what  they  produce, 

The  inquiry  may  be  justly  made:  Why  should  not 
American  markets  belong  to  us  as  much  as  do  our  laws,  or 
our  civilization  ?  There  can  be  no  question  but  what  free 
trade  in  the  products  of  labor  means  free  trade  in  labor  it- 


15 

self.  And  free  trade  in  labor  means  a  uniform  price  of  labor 
everywhere.  In  a  word,  with  free  trade,  we  will  sooner  or 
later  have  in  the  United  States,  substantially  the  same  price 
for  labor  as  exists  in  Europe,  in  China,  and  in  India.  This 
will  be  inevitable  because  the  products  of  labor  will  have 
the  same  price,  and  so  our  progress  will  be  stopped,  for  our 
people  will  become  poor,  our  freedom  will  be  lost  as  the 
freedom  of  our  other  peoples  has  been  lost  before  us,  and 
our  civilization  will  be  turned  down  in  the  world's  history, 
because  when  a  people  are  not  protected  by  the  laws  of 
their  own  country,  nothing  is  left  to  them  but  retrogression. 

A  half  starving  man  never  has  been,  never  can  be,  and  never 
will  be,  a  free  man.  Independence  and  manhood  come  with 
his  ability  to  care  for  himself.  Once  make  him  dependent 
and  he  is  servile.  Make  him  financially  independent,  and 
though  he  has  but  one  dollar,  he  will  be  free.  Our  form  of 
government  differs  so  widely  from  that  of  the  old  monarchies 
of  the  world,  that  we  must  have  a  different  civilization. 
Our  people  must  be  self-sustaining  to  be  self-governing,  and 
ivhen  they  cease  to  sustain  themselves  independently,  they  will 
cease  to  govern  themselves  ivisely. 

The  great  danger  to  a  Kepublic  is  when  for  some  over- 
shadowing reason,  honest  and  peaceful  men  violate  the  law 
and  disturb  the  peace  of  society.  Criminals  are  expected 
to  do  this;  honest  men  and  good  citizens  but  rarely,  and 
then  only  when  they  are  led  to  believe  the  injuries  they  do 
are  not  as  great  as  the  wrongs  they  suffer.  Let  us  convince 
the  world  that  American  citizens  shall  suffer  no  wrongs 
which  just  American  laws  will  not  remedy. 

It  appears  that,  from  1853  to  1893,  5,149,890  British  im- 
migrants came  to  the  United  States.  Most  of  these  were 
able-bodied  workers.  They  left  the  home  of  free  trade, 
"where  wealth  accumulates  and  men  decay,"  and  came  to 
this  land  of  freedom  and  protection.  Why  did  they  come 
here  if  free  trade  benefited  the  laboring  man,  for  they  left  a 
free  trade  country  ? 

It  also  appears  that  in  a  population  of  37,879,285  people 
in  Great  Britain,  nearly  one  million  were  paupers,  or  to  be 


16 

exact,  945,686;  while  in  the  United  States,  with  a  population 
of  nearly  65,000,000  in  1890,  there  were  but  66,578  white 
paupers  and  6,467  colored  paupers.  To-day  there  are  a  mil- 
lion of  our  people  in  want. 

In  view  of  these  facts,  is  it  not  wise  statesmanship  to 
make  such  laws  that  the  deserving  poor  can  care  for  them- 
selves ?  Give  men  fair  wages,  widen  the  field  of  employ- 
ment, enlarge  our  market  at  home,  by  protecting  it  against 
unjust  foreign  competition,  pay  the  worker  good  wages  and 
we  will  never  have  a  large  number  of  poor  people.  No  man 
wants  to  be  poor,  and  no  man,  or  very  few,  want  to  be  idle. 
If  the  field  of  employment  is  always  open  to  those  who  are 
anxious  to  help  themselves,  there  will  be  few  indeed  whom 
the  community  will  have  to  help. 

Diversified  indiistries  are  a  necessity  to  the  American  people. 

Without  this  condition,  there  can  be  no  prosperity.  We 
must  make  many  things  and  make  them  well.  The  history 
of  civilization  shows  that  the  freer  and  more  enlightened  a 
people,  the  more  varied  and  abundant  their  productions. 
The  more  we  make  at  home,  the  less  we  will  need  to  buy- 
abroad,  and  thus  we  will  give  our  own  labor  a  better  oppor- 
tunity for  work,  retain  our  money  here,  encourage  enter- 
prise, inspire  invention,  be  more  independent  in  time  of 
peace,  and  more  self-sustaining  in  time  of  war. 

For  instance:  If  by  leaving  our  tin  industry  unprotected 
against  the  importation  of  foreign  made  tin,  50,000  laborers 
are  compelled  to  seek  other  employments,  we  overstock  the 
labor  market  in  other  lines,  and  we  (the  consumers),  by 
paying  our  money  to  foreign  labor,  send  it  out  of  the  coun- 
try, and  at  the  same  time  have  one  less  American  industry 
and  do  away  with  American  competition,  which  competition 
is  necessary  to  keep  prices  down.  It  is  admitted  that 
Americans  are  greater  consumers  than  any  other  people,  and 
that  the  American  market  is  the  best  market  in  the  world 
and  the  most  in  demand  by  foreigners.  It  is  the  best  mar- 
ket because  labor  is  better  paid  here  than  anywhere  else, 
and  therefore  the  masses  of  the  people  have  more  money  to 
spend  and  spend  more  money  than  do  any  other  people. 


17 

When  you  open  our  ports  for  the  free  entry  of  the  products 
of  cheap,  foreign  labor,  then  you,  in  effect,  open  our  ports  for 
cheap  labor  itself,  and  the  price  of  our  labor  must  come  down 
to  the  price  of  foreign  cheap  labor.  What  is  the  difference 
whether  Chinamen  make  shoes,  common  clothing,  or  cigars 
on  Sacramento  street,  in  San  Francisco,  or  in  Hong  Kong, 
if  no  protective  duties  are  imposed  on  what  they  produce 
abroad?  In  the  one  instance  this  foreign  labor  competes 
with  American  labor  as  much  as  in  the  other.  This  is  the 
logic  of  truth  against  which  there  can  be  no  successful  de- 
nial. 

It  is  the  contention  of  the  consumers  who  do  not  work,  and 
of  the  importers  who  rely  upon  their  trade  with  foreign  countries 
as  a  business,  and  of  a  limited  class  of  American  employers  of 
labor,  that  cheap  labor  is  necessary  to  American  progress; 
that  because  labor  is  cheap  in  other  countries  it  should  be 
equally  so  here;  that  if  labor  is  cheap  in  the  United  States 
the  products  of  labor  will  be  cheap;  that  hence,  we  can  buy 
for  half  a  dollar  as  much  as  we  can  now  purchase  for  a  dol- 
lar; that  the  whole  scheme  equalizes  itself  and  the  laborer 
is  not  injured  thereby,  for  the  reason  that  he  can  purchase 
more  of  what  he  consumes  for  the  same  amount  of  money, 
and  that  the  consumer  who  does  not  work  is  greatly  bene- 
fited because  he  gets  what  he  buys  cheaper. 

This  position  is  not  true.  On  the  contrary,  the  best  ex- 
perience of  the  civilized  world  is  that  where  labor  is  cheap 
and  where  of  necessity  the  products  of  labor  are  cheap,  the 
opportunities  for  the  laborer  to  get  regular  employment  are 
not  as  great  as  in  countries  where  labor  receives  better  com- 
pensation; and  that  good  wages  paid  to  labor  put  more 
money  in  circulation  and  makes  good  times  for  the  people. 
Take  England,  Germany,  Eussia,  Italy,  France  and  Spain. 
"While  the  price  of  labor  in  those  six  countries  differs  con- 
siderably, yet  in  all  of  them,  as  compared  with  the  United 
States,  labor  is  cheap.  And  while  it  is  true  that  they  can 
buy  clothing,  as  a  rule,  cheaper  there  than  here,  yet  in  every 
one  of  those  countries  the  main  expenditure,  namely,  food, 
is  much  dearer  than  in  the  United  States,  for  the  reason 


18 

that  there  the  population  is  more  dense,  the  land  is  more 
valuable,  and  as  land  becomes  more  valuable  the  products 
of  the  land  command  a  better  price  in  the  market.  This 
being  true,  the  laborers  expend  their  whole  income  for  food; 
their  life  is  a  hopeless  struggle  for  existence. 

Labor  is  better  paid  in  France  than  in  Belgium,  Ger- 
many, Italy  or  Spain  and  contiguous  countries.  France  is  a 
freer  country  than  either.  France  opposes  the  introduction 
of  foreign  labor  and  strives  to  keep  it  out.  On  the  17th  of 
August,  1893,  many  Italians  having  gone  to  the  south  of 
France  to  work,  the  French  laborers  there  rose  en  masse  to 
drive  them  away,  and  ten  Italian  and  five  French  laborers 
were  killed.  This  action  was  barbarous  and  must  be  con- 
demned by  all  right  thinking  people;  but  the  lesson  is  an 
instructive  one.  Mr.  Chas.  H.  Whiley,  Jr.,  U.  S.  Consul 
at  St.  Etienne,  France  (see  Consular  Report  of  February, 
1894),  referring  to  this  occurrence,  said : 

"  The  law  of  supply  and  demand  has  given  to  French 
workingmen  a  remuneration  much  exceeding  that  which  is 
paid  in  similar  employments  in  Belgium,  Germany,  Italy 
and  Spain." 

Such  are  among  the  causes  of  the  present  price  of  labor 
in  the  United  States.  It  is  in  part  a  question  of  supply  and 
demand,  and  there  will  be  no  demand  for  labor  if  we  allow 
wealthy  American  consumers  to  buy  abroad  what  should  be 
made  here.  American  labor  is  dear  now;  foreign  labor  is 
cheap;  but  the  moment  you  give  the  foreign  products  of 
cheap  labor  an  even  chance  in  an  American  market  with  the 
American  product  of  dear  labor,  the  result  is  inevitable;  the 
prices  of  labor  and  products  must  then  both  come  down. 

Trusts  and  combines  are  charged  to  protective  laws,  and  yet 
it  is  said  to  be  a  fact  that  eighty-one  per  cent,  of  all  Ameri- 
can manufacturers  are  men  who  learned  their  trade  and  were 
journeymen  in  the  very  business  afterwards  carried  on  by 
them  as  manufacturers;  that  they  commenced  manufacturing 
after  they  had  saved  enough  to  do  so  by  working  at  their 
trade;  that  they  sprang  from  and  belong  to  the  ranks  of  toil. 
For  these,  among  other  reasons,  there  is  no  fear  of  injury  to 


19 

the  people  in  America  by  American  trusts  or  combines  in 
manufacturing  enterprises,  or  by  organized  capital  in  those 
pursuits,  because  they  are  under  the  control  of  American 
law,  and  restrained  by  American  public  opinion.  What  we 
do  fear,  is  the  effect  of  foreign  trusts  and  combines  in  the 
manufacture  and  sale  in  American  markets  of  what  America 
does  not  produce  but  which,  if  protected,  we  can  as  well 
produce.  These  trusts  and  combines  are  beyond  our  reach; 
they  would  thus  regulate  the  price  of  manufactured  products 
in  American  markets;  and  when  we  buy  their  products  we 
take  money  out  of  our  own  country  and  pay  it  to  people  who 
have  no  interest  in  American  progress,  who  pay  no  taxes 
here,  who  bear  none  of  the  burdens  of  our  free,  but  neces- 
sarily expensive  government,  and  who  maintain  at  their 
home,  trusts  and  combines  which  are  beyond  the  reach  of 
American  law  or  American  public  opinion. 

It  is  submitted,  the  combination  of  foreign  capital  is  infi- 
nitely more  dangerous  to  American  consumers  than  is  Amer- 
ican capital.  For  instance,  note  the  present  position  of 
some  of  the  foreign  monopolies  of  which  we  hear  nothing. 
Mr.  Frank  Mason,  our  Consul  to  Frankfort,  reports  in  the 
February  number  of  the  ' '  Consular  Reports  "  of  date  Janu- 
ary 12th,  1894  (page  353),  that  the  Frankfort  manufactories 
of  aniline  dyes,  for  1893,  paid  dividends  of  26  per  cent,  per 
annum,  and  yet  labor  is  cheap  there.  If  any  protected  fac- 
tory in  our  own  country  paid  such  dividends,  we  would  never 
hear  of  anything  else  until  that  article  was  placed  on  the 
free  list. 

So  also,  speaking  of  the  German  sugar  mills,  the  same 
authority  says: 

"From  a  long  official  list  of  declared  dividends,  it 
appears  that  they  range  from  seven  to  thirty  per  cent,  per 
annum  of  the  invested  capital,  and  in  some  cases,  even  the 
latter  figure  is  surpassed." 

And  again  it  appears  in  Kuhlan's  German  Trade  Review, 
that— 

"  The  sugar  factory  at  Nordtermann,  with  a  capital  of 
525,000  marks,  showed  a  net  profit  (for  1893)  of  211,151 


20 

marks,  and  the  factory  at  Nordheim  with  1,050,000  marks 
capital,  net,  earned  for  1893,  403,588  marks,"  being  about 
forty  per  cent,  per  annum  profit. 

It  will  thus  be  observed  we  make  nothing  by  opening 
wider  the  channels  of  American  trade  with  foreign  countries, 
if  done  with  the  hope  of  punishing  trusts  and  organized  cap- 
ital at  home.  We  thereby  only  furnish  work  for  foreign 
labor  and  investments  for  foreign  capital,  and  both  are  done 
at  our  own  expense. 

1  do  not  believe  protection  to  American  industries  will  alone 
accomplish  all  things,  but  it  will  do  much.  One  thing  is  cer- 
tain— whatever  national  policy  will  keep  the  largest  number 
of  the  American  people  at  work  for  fair  wages,  that  policy  is 
the  best  policy.  That  the  more  we  produce  at  home,  the 
less  we  buy  from  abroad;  the  more  work  there  will  be  to  do 
here.  That  American  labor,  like  American  markets,  should 
be  made  secure  to  the  American  people.  That  the  labor 
market,  like  all  other  markets,  is  always  supplied  and  antici- 
pated a  year  in  advance.  No  manufacturer  makes  goods  or 
employs  labor  at  haphazard.  He  first  figures  on  the  cost  to 
him  of  the  manufactured  article,  and  then  looks  for  a  place 
where  he  can  sell  this  product  at  a  profit.  And  if,  from  the 
uncertainty  of  legislation  in  relation  to  an  imported  article, 
competing  with  him,  or  of  financial  stress  in  the  home  or 
foreign  markets,  he  cannot  sell  his  goods  at  a  profit,  he 
ceases  to  manufacture  them,  and  the  laborer  is  thus  left 
without  employment.  And  when  for  these,  or  any  other  rea- 
sons, one  factory  is  closed,  others  follow  in  line,  and  what 
at  first  is  only  sporadic  action,  soon  becomes  general.  Labor 
cannot  find  employment,  hard  times  intervene,  and  the  mat- 
ter thus  ends  in  a  permanent  injury  to  the  man  who  works 
for  his  bread. 

As  an  instance  of  what  effect  the  labor  question  has  on 
the  finances  of  a  country,  we  need  but  refer  to  the  savings 
banks  of  the  State  of  New  York  for  1893.  The  amount  of 
money  withdrawn  from  those  banks  for  that  year,  in  excess 
of  the  deposits,  was  $34,518.091;  while  for  the  year  1892, 
the'  deposits  were  $24,000,000  more,  and  the  withdrawals 


21 

$27,000,000  less,  making  $51, 000, 000  difference  in  two  years. 
And  this  was  largely  wage-earner's  money. 

There  can  be  no  answer  to  these  facts  except  that  it  is  a 
period  of  hard  times.  But  what  causes  hard  times  except 
the  want  of  remunerative  employment?  Set  every  man  at 
work,  start  up  every  machine,  fire  up  every  furnace,  plow 
every  acre  of  land,  and  confidence  will  take  the  place  of  dis- 
trust and  unrest;  every  bank  will  open  its  doors,  property 
will  enhance  in  value,  beautiful  and  comfortable  homes  will 
be  constructed,  new  towns  will  be  built,  and  old  ones  will 
increase  in  population  and  wealth;  the  poor  will  live  in  com- 
fort and  the  rich  will  contribute  from  their  abundance  to  the 
general  prosperity  of  all. 

In  conclusion,  we  need  but  say,  our  first  duty  is  to  our- 
selves, to  our  own  people,  to  our  own  country.  The  masses 
of  the  Americans  are  workers;  by  their  industry  they  have 
extended  our  civilization  westward  to  the  Pacific  Ocean. 
Along  this  great  pathway  they  have  built  cities  and  con- 
nected them  by  highways  of  steel;  they  have  opened  up  new 
channels  of  commerce  by  land  and  sea.  By  their  inventive 
genius  and  untiring  energy,  they  have  sent  new  thought  on 
electric  wings  io  the  remotest  parts  of  the  world.  By  their 
splendid  industrial  achievements  they  have  accumulated 
more  wealth,  done  more  good  to  themselves  and  to  their  fel- 
lowman  everywhere,  than  have  any  other  like  number  of 
people  on  the  habitable  globe.  And  thus,  through  the  arts 
of  peace  they  have  made  our  country  great,  while  in  war, 
they  have  defended  its  honor. 


Gay  lord  Bros. 

Makers 

Syracuse,  N.  Y. 
PAT.  JAN.  21 ,1908 


15165 


U.C.BERKELEY  LIBRARIES 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  LIBRARY 


